Estimated Reading Time: 20 minutes

A month post-2023 elections in the Philippines, I went on-ground in Cebu—a Duterte bailiwick—to get a glimpse of how well the incumbent President was revered in the eyes of his supporters. I was curious about three things: what channels of information are significant in the media consumption of a DDS, how their media consumption affects their perceptions of media institutions, and how a DDS’ confirmation biases affect their political stances towards Duterte and Marcos. I finished writing what you will be reading below in the third week of June in 2022.

The State of Philippine Media and Greater Society Under the Duterte Regime

Social media network companies have flourished to facilitate news and information distribution, while unusually falling short from its anticipated gatekeeper capacity to uphold content fact-checking functions on their platforms. This complacency to abnegate from such social responsibility augmented institutionalized disinformation, paid troll trade, conspiracist and historical-revisionist propaganda, and narrative change towards regress that continue to imperil the integrity of not only facts but also the very essence of democracies. While algorithms are perceived to be “cold” and objective numerics, these collectivizing into sociomental spaces must be recognized that they are designed by humans who are ultimately driven by particular biases which shape goals and motives.

Filipinos have become more vulnerable in ways unseen before. Alongside the arrest of political opponents and the extrajudicial killings of thousands, the weaponization of social media in a country known as the petri dish of the digital world to manipulate public perception has been instrumental in disintegrating democratic institutions in the first six months of Duterte. Early in June 2020, Maria Ressa was convicted with a cyber-libel case against her from 2017. Previously, she, activists, academics, and the media who ran counter to the government have come under fire, leading to their arrests, delegitimization, and even demise. In fact, a bill from 2018 was proposed to strengthen accountability against government officials who spread false information, yet Duterte vetoed it (Santos, 2017). The president associates “fake news” as an epithet to media institutions he distastes. Absurdly, the distillation of Filipino rights, however, is now codified through the Anti-Terror Law that the Congress and the president respectively passed and signed in five days last July 2020 while simultaneously forcing ABS-CBN–the country’s largest media company–to go-off air amidst the world’s longest COVID-19 lockdown (Palatino, 2017). What exacerbates all these is the dwindling public trust mainstream media organizations have in juxtaposition to Duterte’s high public trust rating (Maru, 2022). Today, social media platforms are teeming with content that delegitimize the press through report slander while legitimizing commercial-driven alternative personalities–such as those of vloggers–to herald information and facts (Estrella and Löffelholz, 2020).

With the complex web of digital deception in the country, public opinion and perception disrupted have two main attributes: [1] that democratic institutions, constituting of the press and people, are being antagonized (Mercado, 2020); and [2] that the authoritarian regime has mechanized the state to become a machinery in weaponizing the law and the people’s social fabric on social media (Palatino, 2017). It is in societies like the Philippines that lamentably become experimental subjects of democracies and their struggles for sustaining a nation. Studies developed by and for the Global North to enrich and expand interventions against mass manipulation and institutionalized disinformation are in need of localized research and adoption taking into account that 1) general information and communications technology infrastructure in the Philippines are weak despite our excessively high usage of social media platforms; 2) Filipinos retrieve information from free Facebook hence network neutrality relatively exists; so, propaganda is more visceral (Feria, 2017); 3) there exists a duopoly in Philippine internet that blocks inducing competition from the government having been dominated by foreign subsidiaries like Singapore’s Globe and Hong Kong and Japan’s PLDT; 4) the press in countries in the Global South such as the Philippines have clashing connections with governments; and 5) what adds as abrasion to these injuries is the country’s irregular rule of law that together conglomerates to position the greater majority of Filipinos vulnerable to external risks and shocks.

Accordingly, the regime of Duterte provides a stark reality to the world when he is placed in juxtaposition with authoritarians and populists worldwide today and in history. Such is the case with the press’ incessant insistence of illustrating Duterte as Asia’s Trump (Chandran, 2016). While the latter has amassed immense power, the former does not have the global power of Trump–which is what makes the Internet’s virtually unlimited capacities dangerous. Believers of democracy worldwide are necessitated to confront this alarming rise of leaders from the same light. Academics characterize this extraordinary condition we live in as a life and death situation; what happens in the Global South is a cautionary tale for the Global North that emerged from tech companies who have enabled the decay of democracies. Digital information at the face of cosmopolitanism and globalization knows no boundaries. As above, so below: integrity in all things is nonexistent if there is no integrity of information to account for a stable public opinion.

The Duterte Propaganda

From Davao City’s mayor to the 16th president of the Republic of the Philippines–this is how people would often summarize Rodrigo Roa Duterte’s political journey, some would even come to describe it as similar to a rags to riches story, running against individuals coming from politically established clans in the national arena. One might wonder how this was all possible? How did a mayor from Mindanao, rise to the top and take the highest position of the land? The answer to this is social media. Social media was one of the most important machinery Duterte implored to win the 2016 national elections. “Duterte is probably the first president ever to be elected thanks to social media.” (Robles, 2017). From 2015-2019, Philippines claimed the top spot in terms of number of hours spent on social media with an average of three hours and three minutes every day (Pablo, 2018; Mateo, 2018). Duterte’s team anchored their campaign on this fact and took advantage of it, specifically Facebook, which played a determining role in shaping the political preferences of the public.

The main premise of Duterte’s propaganda was to solve the massive illegal drug epidemic that the country was facing, even going as far as promising to get rid of illegal drugs within the first six months of his term. One important element that allowed Duterte to succeed in his propaganda was to paint the Philippines as if it was in a state of nature similar to that of Thomas Hobbes’. It was not per se “every man against every man”, but “every drug addict against every drug addict” making the country a dangerous place to be in which created a sense of necessity to eradicate these addicts as soon as possible because they do not have any sense of morality anymore making them a threat to society. This further enforced the people’s belief of needing a new kind of leadership, HIS kind of leadership, and in a country that is heavily sickened by this virus that does not seem to go away, these promises were the light at the end of the tunnel and Duterte was the solution to this never-ending problem. In a speech he gave during his campaign, he infamously said “If by chance that God will place me there, watch out because the 1,000 will become 100,000. You will see the fish in Manila Bay getting fat. That is where I will dump you.” (as cited in License to Kill, 2017). Little did they know that it was just the beginning of one of the darkest times in modern Philippine history.

According to the Human Rights Watch, the Philippine’s War on Drugs has claimed over 12,000 lives, mostly coming from the urban poor sector. This has sparked an outrage to the human rights activist communities not just in the country but all over the world causing them to go to the streets to protest, which is very well within the scope of the people’s rights as stated by the social contract theory. The social contract theory proposed by theorists, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and Jean Jacques-Rousseau allows us to define the relationship of the ruled and the ruler and the responsibilities of each, and one of the most important responsibilities of the ruler is to make sure that the people are safe and protected, otherwise, they are ought to find a new one. The social contract even obliges the people to protest and revolt against a repressive government whenever necessary. Duterte, gaining unwanted international attention due to this war on drugs, changed his propaganda narrative to antagonize those who came to deem him accountable. The narrative, “if you are innocent, there is nothing to fear”, was now being circulated and used by his people, which antagonized those who express dissent on his bloody war against drugs.

Marcos Jr. Misinformation Campaign and Propaganda

The surname Marcos has been associated with corruption, extrajudicial killings, cronyism, and kleptocracy largely due to the atrocities done during the regime of the conjugal dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos Sr. and Imelda Romualdez-Marcos. These atrocities done by the Marcos family are well documented as being responsible for an approximate of 3,257 deaths and 50,000 victims who were tortured and illegally detained from 1965 to 1986 (De Leon, 2022). In fact, the Republic Act. of 10368, also known as “An Act Providing for Reparation and Recognition of Victims of Human Rights Violations During the Marcos Regime, Documentation of Said Violations Appropriating Funds Therefor and For Other Purposes”, was signed to law to honor and provide compensation to human rights violation victims (HRVVs) during the Marcos dictatorship (Human Rights Violations Victims' Memorial Commission, n.d.).

The Marcos family is not a foreigner to propaganda. Even during the Marcosian Martial Law, Marcos Sr. used propaganda to justify his authoritarian rule (Angeles, 2021), which in most scholarship called it “constitutional authoritarianism”. Marcos Sr. employed the services of Primitivo “Tibo” Mijares, a journalist, to become his chief propagandist in 1972, the year the Marcosian Martial Law started. In 1977, Mijares defected and disappeared with his son tortured and mutilated in the same year. In the same breadth, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. has consistently denied the numerous human rights violations and injustices during his father’s two-decade rule.

Marcos Jr. also used the oldest trick in the book of political communication, propaganda. Just like his father, Marcos Jr. sanitized the Marcosian Martial Law history by using social media and the growing audience of “influencers” or micro-celebrities to spread misinformation. For example, Marcos Jr. took the seemingly harmless YouTube lifestyle talk hosted by Filipina actress Toni Gonzaga’s Toni Talks as a platform to share that the Marcosian Martial law was a legitimate solution to the country’s social ills and branded calls for justice as mere hate, and garnered approximately six million views (The Greatest Lesson Bongbong Marcos Learned From His Father, 2022). This propaganda technique makes use of the idea of providing the “two sides of the story” providing the myth of “neutrality” (Angeles, 2021). As a result, the mainstream media who provide factual information on the atrocities are considered agents of “negative campaigning” or, in the case of Rappler and ABS CBN, “biased”.

Social media became the new battleground especially during the 2022 Presidential elections. Marcos Jr. used Facebook and most especially Tiktok, a Chinese-owned app whose largest market is young people, as their propaganda platform. For example, a Tiktok video, which garnered more than one million views, features various Philippine presidents along with the song of Coolio’s “Gangsta’s Paradise” but the volume of the music increases as Marcos Sr. walks confidently in Barong (@ireneclstne_, 2022). In a similar sense, Marcos Jr. is portrayed as a loving father and husband who is ready to help the country get back on its feet after the COVID-19 pandemic and the economic crisis it brought, and a compassionate leader even to his critics just like the Tiktok video showing Marcos Jr. blowing kisses to Robredo-Pangilinan supporters, also known as ‘Kakampinks’, who are cheering against him in his motorcade (@vincentloml, 2022). This type of content served the audiences and fed them the idea that another Marcos “might not be that bad” reconciling to the idea that the Philippines might actually be the country's Golden age (Smalley, 2022), the idea that the propaganda runs on. These misleading posts in social media sanitizing the Marcos dictatorship have been used to distort historical accounts targeting low-income communities who rely on free data, thus have no means to explore the internet to fact-check further (Maru, 2022).

Social media helped the Marcoses in their rise to power. Juxtaposed to his father who controlled and closed down media outfits, Marcos Jr. used the whole artillery of social media to fuel his propaganda. He has also avoided interviews and debates claiming that he wants to run a “positive campaigning” strategy and avoid mudslinging (Brown & Henry, 2022) sidelining mainstream media. In a similar sense, vloggers,whom Marcos Jr. usually grants interviews to, are now more preferred for their “independent” and “genuine” content by showing the “other side” of the story compared to mainstream media who are touted as biased (Angeles, 2021).

Discussion of Insights Derived from the Interviews

To fulfil my intentions, interviews among eight individuals who claimed to be supporters of the incumbent president Duterte and the president-elect Marcos were pursued.

Based on the answers obtained during the interviews, social media is the main source of information of a DDS. Virtually all the interviewees mentioned at least one social media site as their source for what they believed to be accurate and relevant information about today’s pressing issues, with Facebook being the most common. Video sharing sites such as Youtube and Tiktok were also included in their list of sites or apps that they rely on for news. One DDS supporter even mentioned subscribing to Thinking Pinoy, a Filipino blogger and columnist who is notorious for posting multiple fake news and misinformation on his social media sites which have been debunked and proven to be fake multiple times.

When asked of the reasons why they prefer information from social media rather than actual news channels or organizations, the most common answer and honestly, not surprising at all, was that they have lost trust in these organizations, specifically naming ABS-CBN, and Rappler as being two of the most biased and unreliable. One respondent even answered, “Everything that ABS-CBN reports” when asked which information she deems unreliable. It is noteworthy that these two media organizations have been critical of the present administration, specifically its war on drugs and pandemic response.

This phenomenon stands as evidence that Duterte’s propaganda is working. His “if you are innocent, there is nothing to fear” narrative is doing him favor, making people, mostly his supporters, believe that since these news organizations are immensely critical of the government, they must be afraid of something, which means they are not innocent. This paints Duterte and his government as the good guys and everyone critical of him, the bad guys.

DDS Media Consumption and Their General Perception Towards Media Institutions

Since 2016, Duterte has muddled and shaped the perceptual meaning of specific words, enough to impressively disrupt the behavioral attitudes of millions towards them. Beyond tainting “human rights”, such is the case with the president painting institutions, media organizations, and personalities as “prejudiced” when they confront his practices and principles through mass publicity and critique. To ease myself in understanding the judgment of how the interviewees negotiate information receptivity, I proceeded to ask which organizations they consider as reliable and questionable alongside their reasons why.

What intrigues me is the plurality of insights that depict necessity and urgency for advancements in uplifting media literacy, science and technology policy, and tech company accountability and regulatory measures. On one side, there exists a limbo-like passivity towards media institutions with the inability of a handful of interviewees to identify sources of information they ascribe trust. In another light, other interviewees have been more explicit in airing their perceptions of security when retrieving information from media organizations like CDN, CNN, GMA, and PTV. Fascinatingly, there are also a few from the roster of interviewees who directly associate Facebook and Twitter as media organizations. For instance, the commonality between those who consider CDN, CNN, GMA PTV, and SMNI as reliable is driven by a media’s manner of messaging. They value seeing multiple sides from the narrative, see established institutions as credible for their perceived stability, and hold high preference for those that do not criticize the principles and practices of the President and his government’s failures only to become quiet when they succeed.

Upon the introduction of the question on which media organizations they find questionable, perceptions of the interviewees have been found to be more extreme. In context, the interviewees find PDI, Rappler, GMA, and ABS-CBN–especially with all of them in assent–to be unreliable source of information for their perceived provocative headlines and perceived prejudice, manifesting from being “too quick to report everything that they think is a mistake of Duterte, but when he does something good, they are very silent”. On the other hand, it is deeply-ingrained in the minds of a handful of interviewees that everything on television is unreliable information with no further elucidation. Some were likewise aware, however, that the social media platform Tik Tok is not reliable because the space is perceived by the interviewees to be vulnerable to fabricated posts.

The Effects of DDS Confirmation Biases to Political Stances On Duterte and Marcos

It is without a question that supporters of 16th President of the Philippines Rodrigo “Roa” Duterte view him as a capable and an effective leader of the country. In the eyes of his supporters, his leadership solved the most pressing issues of the country and changed its landscape for the better. Despite the recognition of his supporters of his flaws, they believe that his overall performance is better than his predecessors. Additionally, they believe that because of his humble beginnings as a local politician, it means that he is not after the country’s coffers but he is in the presidency to serve the Filipino people. Below are the sentiments of the following respondents on their perception of PRRD:

“He is an excellent leader who has achieved a great deal. Kung e compare nimo siya sa like all previous presidents, he had flaws, inconsistencies, and holes in his leadership, but his overall performance during his reign was good in my opinion. (Respondent 2)”

“For me, he is the best president we ever had. He did everything he could under his administration and I know he is not after the money, because he himself is too simple as a person. (Respondent 3)” President Duterte has also been compared to former president and dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr. positing that what Duterte achieved in his term is comparable to the era when we’re under the Marcos dictatorship’s “Golden Age”.

“President Rodrigo Duterte is for me one of the best presidents, next to Ferdinand Marcos Sr. I idolize them because of how they serve the country and how they care for the people. And makita man sad nato noh nga daghan nindot nga changes sa ila time, that’s why during sa time ni Marcos Sr., golden era jud sa Philippines so kani nga fact kay dili na dapat e deny sa mga critics [And we can also see the progress and changes in our country under their governance, that’s why it is the golden era of the Philippines during the term of Marcos Sr. and critics should not deny this fact]. (Respondent 4)”

The DDS main source of information about Bongbong Marcos Jr. is the social media, which the DDS consider as a reliable source. According to what they saw in social media, they described Marcos Jr. as a humble and reliable person. They saw in Tiktok how inspiring Marcos Jr. is, which is something novel since they haven’t seen that side of him on television. “I have seen it on Facebook, I remembered it was shared from Tiktok, a very inspiring video about him which I never saw on TV. (Respondent 1)”

“The things I saw now are the terms I use to describe him. As a first-time voter, dapat nakong e understand iyang actions and effect sa country. I describe him using statistics and information acquired from a variety of reliable media sources but most of them kay social media which I think is reliable man pud. [The things I saw now are the terms I use to describe him. As a first time-voter, I need to understand his actions and its effect on the country. I describe him using statistics and information acquired from a variety of reliable media sources but, mostly, it is from social media which I do think is a reliable source.] (Respondent 2)”

The accusation that the mainstream media like the ones thrown towards Rappler and ABS CBN started even before Marcos Jr. ran for presidency. Ever since Duterte sat down in power in 2016, the attack towards media institutions hasn't ceased. For the DDS, they believe that mass media becomes unreliable if its reportage is against Marcos. For them, Marcos Jr. is a victim of “biased media”.

“Because during his interviews, during his grand rallies, I can see how good and bumble he is. People bashed him for not getting a degree, but we all know he is just very busy as a person and as a politician so why did they make it a big deal? In the news, they always portray him as a bad guy, but look at him now, he won because a lot of us still believe in him and I know he will not fail us. (Respondent 4)”

Conclusion

When tech companies do not have market incentives and the government is yet to genuinely and unselfishly intervene in protecting the public at the face of technological evolution, our present conditions with social media platforms pervading our lives will never realize healthy models of environment that promote informed consumer agency and autonomies. The lived experiences of the interviewees in this paper humanize the silent war of information and reputation fought between the people and the polity amidst the necessity and urgency for actions against institutionalized disinformation and troll farms and actions to critically uplift the Philippine education system.

The challenges we face in science, technology, and society (STS) is a looming threat to more issues that would be driven by technology we should not neglect. It is through confronting our politics of technology with multi-stakeholder collaboration and computational philosophy in praxis do we have better opportunities to streamline the recovery of representative democracies such as ours. Deepening studies of these phenomena with more nuances on the ethics behind the social and cognitive power relations of digital platforms could critically discern what we can change in our networked systems and where we may be headed, with the gaping systematic divide of the global North and South as backdrop.

The power and responsibility must be asserted and be reclaimed by the most credible stakeholders, through the most effective ways—algorithm and law—which must take place as soon as possible. In a world where it happens otherwise, as we have seen in our present conditions as victims of technology gone rogue in the Global south, lives and democracies shall continue to be threatened by instabilities in democratic and interrelated systems. Silicon Valley and regional tech corporations alongside their regulators must now be codifying its position towards being on the right side of history and society; not when it is too late for sorry.

The social contract theory tells us that one of the main responsibilities of a sovereign is to keep his/her nation safe. In a traditional society, this could mean protection against attacks from outsiders or even that within the society. However, in a modern-day society, things have become more complicated as attacks can now happen online. Today’s highly digitalized society demands protection from online entities such as social media that have been mechanized and weaponized by individuals to pursue their personal agendas. This remains as one of the biggest challenges of a modern-age sovereign.

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